SCOPE 5 - Environmental Impact Assessment
6
How can Socio-Economic Methods be Used?
6.1 INTRODUCTION 6.2 WHAT ARE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS AND IMPACTS? 6.3 ESTIMATION OF THE CURRENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT 6.3.1 Social Profiling 6.3.2 The Broad Categories of Socio-Economic Data-Collection Methods 6.4 THE PREDICTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS 6.4.1 A Classification of Methods 6.4.2 Exploratory Methods 6.4.3 Normative Methods 6.5 METHODS FOR DERIVING IMPACTS 6.6 SOME ADDITIONAL REMARKS 6.7 CONCLUSION
6.1 INTRODUCTION Socio-economic methods may be used during the preparation of an EIA:
The use of such methods in EIAs is the subject of this chapter. At the outset, however, it should be emphasized that the socio-economic environment is difficult to quantify. In fact, this is one reason why socio-economic impacts are not considered in some jurisdictions; and why they are included in some other cases mainly to satisfy agency requirements, rather than because the assessor feels that a socio-economic assessment would be helpful to the decision-maker. Examination of EIAs reveals many examples of superficial socio-economic content.
The chapter provides information on current methods without endorsing particular ones. However, the recommendation is made that the assessor should at least try to derive a short list of social impact indicators, and to estimate, using whatever means are available, their relative magnitudes in terms of the major special interest groups that will be affected. Impact indicators might include, for example, employment rates, rural depopulation rates, etc.
Section 6.2 sets out the broad areas of 'socio-economic effects and impacts, and discusses the limitations involved in attempting to 'reduce a long list of possible effects to a short list of probable ones. Section 6.3 examines the process of estimating the socio-economic environment, while Section 6.4 discusses various methods for predicting socio-economic effects. Section 6.5 returns to a topic already considered in Section 4.4.3, the derivation of impacts from a knowledge of effects. Finally, some general remarks are made in Section 6.6 about future prospects.
*First draft prepared by J. Handmer, Institute for Environmental Studies, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada.
6.2 WHAT ARE THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS AND IMPACTS? The social environment is a composite of numerous interrelated factors. Although these items may be identified from checklists, interviews, etc., the inter-relationships are generally poorly understood and have largely been ignored in project planning. In part, this problem is caused by a failure to recognize that social processes have feedback (IWR, 1975). For example, the construction of a highway through open countryside may cause residential and industrial areas to develop along the road, making the highway more necessary than before (IWR, 1975; Wolf, 1975). As another example, tentative population projections may become a reality as a result of actions undertaken on the basis of these projections (Hollis and McEvoy, 1973).
Some general areas of human concern that should be considered within an EIA were listed in Chapter 3 in Table 3.3. The concerns are related to various kinds of effects and impacts, many of which are socio-economic. From several published lists, a short set of impact categories is given in Table 6.1 (Shields, 1975) and a long set in Appendix 6 (Olsen and Merwin, 1977). Other lists are to be found in Canter (1977) and Finsterbusch and Wolf (1977). Most of the categories have been designed for use in North America, and their applicability in other parts of the world has not been tested.
Many of the possible sociological effects and impacts are project- or process- specific, the relevant set for a flood-control development being quite different from that for a nuclear power station. With some forethought, therefore, the assessor should be able to prepare a short list of effects that need to be investigated in his particular case. How large are the effects? What impacts will they have on the community? An example of a process-specific set of socio-economic indicators is given in Table 6.2, which was developed at the 1977 Nairobi Seminar on Desertification (Reining, 1977).
Table 6.1 A General List of Socio-Economic Impact Categories (after Shields, 1975)
1. Demographic impacts: rural depopulation; suburban growth; etc.
2. Economic impacts: income, employment, and taxes; the affected parties; impacts on business and large property owners; increased short-term and long-term employment; the 'boom and bust' pattern of project construction; problems of local inflation and short-term changes in supply and demand patterns;
3. Impacts on social values and attitudes:
Table 6.2 Socio-Economic Indicator Categories for Desertification (Reining, 1977)
1. Land use
2. Settlement pattern, especially in rural populations and in relation to energy sources
3. Human biological parameters
4. Social process parameters
The selected short list should be consistent with relevant community or national goals. The goals may be drawn from the community itself or may be specified by a government on the basis of national aims, e.g., through legal standards for environ mental quality.
6.3 ESTIMATION OF THE CURRENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT 6.3.1 Social Profiling
In order to make a useful prediction of the socio-economic effects of an action and to develop indicators for this purpose, an assessment team should be assembled, and should be given the task of learning a great deal about the community or communities likely to be affected. The process of gathering the required socio-economic information has been called social profiling. Generally, only communities in the immediate area and in adjacent regions need to be profiled (see Table 6.3). Those most affected by the proposed development include people who would be displaced or whose communities would undergo profound change, such as that caused by an influx of construction workers, or by the closure of a major local industry. Groups of affected people living in adjacent regions will be identified when the assessment team begins to study trade and transportation routes, as well as the recreational, cultural, and ethnic linkages between regions (IWR, 1975). Within a community or region, there will of course be sub-groups of people who are affected in different ways by the development. Some will benefit directly from the economic stimulus given to the community; others will be affected adversely. In this connection, a basic problem is the selection of criteria for stratifying the public into sub-sets. For example, should the population be sampled according to ethnic origin, socio-economic state, or geographical location? No firm recommendation can be given except that, as far as possible, no group should be ignored. If public involvement is contemplated, it should come at the beginning of the planning process and should be seen to be meaningful.
Table 6.3 The Spatial Dimensions of a Socio-Economic Assessment
Zone Socially Impacted Groups Immediate surroundings -displaced people; 'right-of-way effects' -people left near the action area; 'proximity effects' The region -regional effects, e.g., 'trans-boundary problems' The continent and the world -as applicable
Information on socio-economic states may be required for the time frames:
Social perceptions and attitudes may change substantially with time, and the environmental assessment may contribute to this change.
Socio-economic data are of two kinds: objective and subjective. Figure 6.1 illustrates the main methods and the degrees of respondent and community involvement used in community profiling. Initially, profiling will be based on demographic data obtained from various accounting and record-keeping agencies. Additional information may be acquired through interviews, questionnaires, or public hearings, in some cases, these data may be all that is required. According to Campbell (1976), however, such demographic and economic indicators together account for no more than 17% of the variance in a person's perception of his own well-being. Hence it is desirable to complement traditional, external data bases by attempting to provide systematic estimates of the ways in which various groups perceive their socio-economic environment.
6.3.2 The Broad Categories of Socio-Economic Data-Collection Methods
(a) Using existing data: Examples of existing data include statistics on age, sex, and income distributions, ethnic origin, mortality, housing type and occupancy, and education.
Figure 6.1 Socio-economic data collection methods (after Whyte, 1977). *Oral histories - events are described to interviewers by persons who directly experienced them. The technique is of great value where no documentary material exists.
Participant observation - the investigator becomes a member of the community being studied during the survey period.
Self-survey - some members of the community being studied are trained to make observations of their own perceptions and behaviour.(b) Asking questions; Survey techniques range from highly structured, randomized pre-coded questionnaires to informal, unstandardized interviews. A distinction between the two ends of the spectrum is that the latter sometimes employs specific key informants, the rationale being that some people are better informed on the interview topic. A scale of knowledge ability is often included in questionnaires on technical issues.
Information about attitudes, feelings, and beliefs cannot be easily obtained except by asking questions. The less structured the interview, the more likely it is that the interviewer can probe more deeply if he receives an unexpected reply or comment. On the other hand, the responses will appear less systematic and may be harder to interpret.
There are many different techniques that have been developed for asking questions. (See Whyte (1977) for a detailed review.) Two particular methods deserve special mention here, however: public hearings and the Delphi technique. At their best, public hearings may reveal aspects of the local socio-economic environment previously unrecognized by researchers, may inform and reassure the citizens about government or industry proposals, and may act as a safety-valve for pent-up feelings (Canter, 1977). As an additional benefit, much of the planning process becomes open to the public, and this exerts pressure on administrators to adhere to the specified decision-making procedures.
At its worst, a poorly organized public hearing can be counter productive, leading to polarization of views, or to unfounded fears about the socio-economic impacts of the project.
From time to time, an opinion is expressed that the input to public hearings is mainly by special interest groups and is unrepresentative of the general population. However, Grima and Wilson-Hodges (1977) dispute this view, citing evidence that in cases where both public hearings and opinion polls have been held, there have been no significant differences in the results.
The other application, the Delphi technique, is used to achieve consensus amongst a small group of people, preferably 'key actors', on such questions as:
The technique uses a planned programme of consecutive individual interrogations interspersed with information feedback. For example, each member of the group is advised of the answers given by other members, and he is invited to review and amend his responses accordingly.
The Delphi method permits relatively objective determination of 'consensus from a panel of evaluators on questions which are shrouded in uncertainty and cannot be measured or evaluated in the classical sense' (Pill, 1971). Socio-economic methods such as this have the following characteristics:
Sometimes, however, the opinions of a group may polarize on two or more points of view.
(c) Observing individual and group behaviour:
(1) Direct observations
Human behaviour can be observed directly by:
-watching the behaviour of people in public places;
-watching the behaviour of people during a heat wave or a drought;
-watching the response of a community to a warning of a tornado or blizzard ;
-etc.(2) Indirect observations
Human behaviour can also be observed indirectly through:
-measurements of the width and wear of footpaths;
-studying the extent of littering;
-counts of numbers of automobile traffic, park users, etc.;
-historical records from newspapers;
-etc.An example is a study of rural water supply in Ethiopia to determine the benefits of a deep well (Browne, 1974). The investigators used a combination of direct and indirect observational methods (on-site observations of the local population -where people went for water, how often, seasonal changes- as well as indirect observations obtained from questionnaires, interviews, data on government water sales, etc.). During the annual dry season the well was the main source of supply, but poorer quality water sources were preferred in the wet months because they were closer and cost nothing, indicating that water quality was not considered to be more important than convenience or cost.
6.4 THE PREDICTION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC EFFECTS 6.4.1 A Classification of Methods
A classification of socio-economic prediction methods is given in Table 6.4. The main terms are defined below. The objective is to predict changes in the main features of the social profile over the next few years, with and without action (see Figure 1.1). This is of course difficult, partly because of unpredictable externalities: wars, world trade patterns and prices, tariff changes, etc.
The principal sub-division in Table 6.4 is between extrapolative and normative methods. In the former case, a prediction is made that is consistent with past and present socio-economic data, e.g., a prediction based on the linear extrapolation of current trends. A normative method, on the other band, is one in which desired socio-economic goals are specified, and an attempt is made to project the social environment backward in time to the present to examine whether existing or planned resources and environmental programmes are adequate to meet the goals.
Table 6.4 Types of Forecasting (after IWR, 1975)
Extrapolative Normative Intuitive Forecasting
= Conjecture
= Brainstorming
= Heuristic programming
= Delphi: consensusTrend Extrapolation and Correlation
= Trends
= Breakthroughs
= Precursor events
= Correlation and regressionMetaphors and Analogies
= Growth
= Historical
= SimulationScenarios
= Surprise-free
= Canonical variationsDynamic Modelling
= GamingMorphological Analysis
= Socio- Technological
Technology Scanning
Contextual Mapping
= Functional array
= Graphic modelsMission Networks and Functional Arrays
= Mission flow analysisDecision Theory
= Decision trees
= Relevance treesCross-Impact Matrix Methods
= Cross-impact gamingScenarios
The various methods listed in Table 6.3 are often used together, and should not be considered in isolation, either from each other or from the social profiling activity.
6.4.2 Exploratory Methods
(a) Intuitive forecasting; Delphi techniques
The Delphi technique can be used not only to determine environmental priorities (as discussed in Section 6.3.2) but also to make intuitive predictions through the process of achieving group consensus. The Delphi technique is discussed in Linstone and Turoff (1975).
(b) Trend analysis
Predictions may be obtained by extrapolating present trends, modified to take subjective account of environmental stresses caused by a proposed action. In general, trend analysis is not a particularly good way of making socio-economic forecasts, because a time series cannot be interpreted or extrapolated very far into the future without some knowledge of the underlying physical, biological, and social factors.
(c) Analogies
The experience gained elsewhere is used to predict the socio-economic effects associated with the proposed action.
(d) Scenarios
Scenarios are scientific fictions which allow a researcher to consider elements of a social system 'as if they really function in the described manner. Scenarios do not test hypotheses but rather permit examination of possible outcomes if the hypotheses were to hold true (Erickson, 1975).
Scenarios are commonsense forecasts resting on an empirical base of social science data (in this case the community profile). Each scenario is a logically constructed model of a potential future 'for which the degrees of "confidence" as to progression and outcome remain undefined' (Erickson, 1975).
The images portrayed in Scenarios help in the process of communicating with decision-makers. In addition, the Scenario can form the basis for public participation in the decision-making process. Details on Scenario construction and applications are found in Erickson (1975) and in Linstone and Turoff(1975).
(e) Dynamic modelling
This approach has already been discussed in Chapter 5.
6.4.3 Normative Methods
These methods are still in the research domain and are not generally recommended for operational use. One of the more promising new approaches is cross impact analysis (Kane et al., 1973), in which the behaviour of non-linear feedback systems can be simulated without resorting to differential equations.
Scenarios may be either exploratory or normative. When used in the latter way, the scenario requires that various desirable goals be specified. The technique then explores ways of reaching these goals through alternative paths and decision points. This may be conducted as a dynamic process, so that feedback influences points of decision with a consequent alteration of goals. As an example, suppose that the proposed action is to develop an oil/gas field. In the exploratory mode, several scenarios would be prepared relating to various environmental management alternatives (construction of an oil refinery at the site vs. construction of a pipeline, for example). In the normative mode, on the other hand, the lifespan of the oil/gas field might be designated as a management goal. Then from an estimate of the extent of the resource, an extrapolation backward in time would be made, yielding an annual production rate of oil/gas. The associated environmental management requirements could then be determined.
6.5 METHODS FOR DERIVING IMPACTS Methods for deriving significant impacts from a large number of predicted effects were described in Section 4.4.3 .Included were checklists, ranking of alternatives within impact categories, and mathematical weighting. These techniques were further elaborated in Chapter 5, in the context of rather simple simulation models not having large data requirements. The emphasis in both Chapters 4 and 5 was on physical and biological effects, but the same approach applies to the socio-economic environment. In both cases, there is need to rank impacts, perhaps into only two categories, more important vs. less important, separately for each group of affected parties. One way of doing this is to use the Delphi technique described in this chapter .
Executive summaries of EIAs are sometimes 50 pages in length; yet a senior decision-maker such as a President or Prime Minister may have only half an hour to consider an action that may have large-scale and long-term environmental implications. A helpful summary in such cases would be a table listing the most significant impacts in each column and affected parties in each row.
6.6 SOME ADDITIONAL REMARKS Some additional remarks about socio-economic assessments should be made. In the first place, a clear distinction ought to be maintained between scientific and political considerations within an EIA. For example, the routing of a rapid-transit system often leads to confrontation between the developer and citizens' groups, especially when there is no strong scientific basis for selecting one route from amongst several alternatives. In such cases, the assessor should try not to appear to be the defender of the interests of a single group. He should, however, attempt to identify the affected parties, and to estimate their relative social responses to the predicted impacts. Allende (1976) has pointed out that low-income groups lack the opportunity and resources to move elsewhere if development affects them adversely. Efforts should therefore be made within the EIA to determine whether affected parties have realistic avoidance mechanisms. This factor may be a consideration in the ultimate decision to proceed with the project.
Allende (1976) also draws attention to the fact that EIAs often provide rankings of alternatives rather than assessments of their absolute desirability. Whether an analysis of this latter type should be included within an EIA is controversial, but the assessor should at least discuss the question with the appropriate decision making body at an early stage in the assessment.
6.7 CONCLUSION The dialogue between the so-called hard and soft sciences is tenuous, and there are misunderstandings even about the meanings of words. So it is that a synthesis of biogeophysical and socio-economic impacts is difficult to achieve. But the three alternatives to synthesis are not acceptable:
In fact, socio-economic impacts may modulate some of the predicted biogeophysical impacts and may cause new ones that would be missed entirely by conventional EIA methods.
Human behaviour is difficult to quantify and predict, but this does not diminish its significance. The challenge to cross the interface between the biogeophysical and the socio-economic environments is therefore worth the intellectual effort.
Back to Table of Contents The electronic version of this publication has been prepared at
the M S Swaminathan Research Foundation, Chennai, India.